On “Dignity: Its Essential Role in Resolving Conflict”

I’m currently reading Dr. Donna Hicks’ book “Dignity: Its Essential Role in Resolving Conflict” leading up to her keynote address at the Dignity Leadership Summit taking place in Salt Lake City, Utah. I’m conflicted on the topic, mainly due to the helplessness I feel in the socio-political climate of the US and the world at large. I thought I would share my thoughts as I read through the book.

My preface is that these are simply notes of mine as I read the book. I make observations, ask questions, and reference what is in my known world to connect to what the author writes.

Dr. Hicks presents what she calls the Dignity Model, with ten elements of dignity; and she expands further by writing about the ten temptations to violate dignity. In the preface she includes the opening words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

“Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world…”

United Nations, 1948

After reading the book, my question is how we can embrace dignity in ourselves but know that we will suffer indignity, and watch our communities suffer indignities that we cannot control. My question is how loss of rights, of curtailed freedoms, lost opportunity, and of loss of lives does not result in a loss of faith? There is a certain amount of jadedness, of bitterness I have that I can’t seem to let go of, in part because I have lost faith in the general goodness of people that I once trusted was there.

I am starting to believe that corruption is a rust that goes through our societal values. I am concerned that ignorance, hate and greed is more prevalent than humility, understanding and empathy.

I am concerned that partisanship, tribalism, and righteousness get in the way of humanity, a broader sense of belonging, and a sincere desire to help one another.

Our fight is real, and it has become existential. We are experiencing literal genocide, displacement and suffering take place in front of us, and watch as our leaders give praise to the perpetrators. Our own leaders show only hubris, and seek unfettered power by planning and taking action to harm anyone who does not contribute to their corruption. Where does our dignity fit in all of this?

There is an assumption that we have a common emotional vulnerability, and I’m not sure that I believe that premise.


A Foundation for Dignity is a Common Reality

My first assertion is that dignity cannot exist without a common reality of what values we hold, and how worth is measured. The book’s focus is on dignity, but words like worth, and honor, and respect show up and rival it. On p.3 respect (earned) is differentiated from dignity (a birthright of value and worth). Both require care and attention.

In order to have dignity:

  • Safety and trust are essential
  • Science as a method of understanding the world around us is essential
  • Logic prevails over illogic, and critical thinking is necessary
  • Truths may include different viewpoints but must be separated from deceit
  • Bias exists. We must be able to recognize it in ourselves as quickly as in others
  • “Awareness requires self-understanding and acceptance. It requires work” (p.15)
  • Last, I would add that humans are social animals, meaning we are of this earth and are part of it. We do not hold a “special status”.

“It’s not just our indignity; it is the indignity of those who we love and care for. It is the loss of well-being of a community of people.”

– From my book notes

A Hierarchy of Needs

Dignity is not easily found when food and shelter are gone, or when we are without safety, or when community is taken from us. We can choose to be dignified in our thoughts and actions, but dignity can be stripped away from us. It is not our self-worth that I’m speaking of here; dignity is more closely related to esteem than it is to worth.

Taking away the foundation does not attack our individualism, rather it attacks our humanity. Inherent self-worth can be had without dignity, which is a societal value.

Burton’s ontological needs (p.27) of identity, recognition, security and belonging are part of the foundation in Maslow’s hierarchy. Fulfillment of these needs is essential to create a foundation for which dignity can be built upon.

Categorical Imperatives

On p.4 Immanuel Kant is referenced as introducing the idea of the “categorical imperative”; i.e. to “act in such a way that you always treat humanity, whether in your own person or in the person of any other, never simply as a means, but always at the same time as an end.

Kant surmised that it is “unethical to exploit people or treat them merely as instruments to further one’s own personal goals and interests.” I would go further to say that it is morally wrong to treat others as chattel, or worse, to have no consideration for humanity whatsoever.

On p.10, Hicks summarizes Lindner and Ury in saying “We are becoming aware of our outdated acceptance of humiliating ways of ordering society, and a new human rights culture is taking shape; the value of each and every human being is being recognized.” My response to this is that we are aware, but re-ordering. I agree with Hicks, but I am skeptical.

My concern is that we have actors in today’s society who act with malice, who are willing to deceive and sow distrust for the purpose of acquiring and maintaining power over others. They are driven by greed, fear and hate; and view ruthlessness as strength.

There is an ethical dilemma when the actions of a malevolent person trump the dignity, security and existence of others. How can we value redemption of one individual whose actions may cause harm to many? How do you negotiate with someone who carries no shame?

Sidenote: Speaking outside of this review, I challenge Kant’s notion that suicide is morally wrong. Calling suicide a moral issue speaks more about society’s willingness to ignore personal suffering, and its failure to support and accept individuals who struggle for connection within our society.

It is Connection That Drives Us

Connection is understanding, empathy, acceptance and support. Connection is listening. Connection is contextual. Connection is allyship, a word that I do not see in Hicks’ book.

  • Connection > Respect
  • Connection > Esteem
  • Connection > Dignity

See Lost Connections, and Stolen Focus both by Johann Hari for an interesting take on western society’s root causes of depression and anxiety. I align to his thoughts that connection is what drives us.

Fun distraction: Watch Abbott Elementary S2E3 “Story Samurai“. Jacob learns to come to terms that he is not “cool”. He learns that the students call him Mr. C because he is corny, and that his peers also think of him this way. His persona is reshaped but he realizes that he is loved and accepted. This is an example of connection mattering more than dignity.

The Five Dysfunctions Model

I want to reference a book by Patrick Lencioni on The Five Dysfunctions of a Team, which is an excellent reader on building functional teams, that focuses more on the establishment of trust, healthy conflict and accountability of its members. This model could easily be applied to teams working towards conflict resolution, just as Hicks’ model is intended. Both models have precepts of basic needs being met as a foundation.

The Five Dysfunctions Model

The Ten Elements of Dignity

Dr. Donna Hicks introduces her model with the following elements – there is no “stack” or “pyramid” built in her model (note that I comment on numbers 2, 6, 7, 9 and 10):

  1. Identity: an introduction of “I” and “Me”; should add “We” that comes later (see Robert Kegan p.152)
  2. Inclusion: acceptance and belonging (my problem here is the paradox of inclusion when looking at the person, their ideology, and their (in)actions together. I cannot separate them)
  3. Safety: free to speak without retribution
  4. Acknowledgement: see and acknowledge the indignities of others
  5. Recognition: show others that they are seen, heard and understood
  6. Fairness: treat others justly, with equality and evenhandedness (without trust, I cannot extend good faith to those who will abuse the privilege – i.e. an agreed ceasefire is violated consistently by one party)
  7. Benefit of the Doubt: treat people as trustworthy (I struggle that all people have good motives or act with integrity – i.e. a delay plays to the advantage of a party that will undermine a negotiation, or keep food and aid from victims of war)
  8. Understanding: believe that what others think matters I LOVED THIS QUOTE: “Seeking understanding is one of the easiest ways of honoring dignity. Allowing people to feel understood is just one short sentence away: “Tell me more”.” (p.85)
  9. Independence: encourage others to act on their own behalf (this should always be a first principle, but there are times when allyship is needed)
  10. Accountability: take responsibility for your actions (all parties must be accountable, and this extends far beyond violations of dignity)

I think you can see this is where I really begin to struggle with Dignity as an underlying core value for which unresolved conflict can be addressed. There must be a basic level of trust, of constraint, of essential humanity, of broad accountability to move forward.

In the section on Benefit of the Doubt, there is a poignant story of Nelson Mandela who says “I loved even my enemies while I hated the system that turned us against one another.” (p.75) He also says “Man’s goodness is a flame that can be hidden but never extinguished.” (p.76)

Not everyone is a leader, and far fewer become a moral authority. Even fewer survive what Nelson Mandela did, and I will use Alexei Navalny as an example. I question the value of giving the benefit of doubt to even one individual whose actions cause harm to many. Is there not an ethical dilemma presented here? Is it not different to bear our own suffering, but do nothing for the suffering of others?

In the section on Accountability, I pondered what if there is no diplomat to negotiate, or if we are faced with institutions built on greed, prejudice and fear? There must be honest arbiters with agency to represent change.

Discipline is mentioned on p.119 under False Dignity, but is not brought up in context of the first 10 elements. I think this, Humility and Reflection, should be elements of consideration.

Fun Distraction: If you were to program Dignity into an AI model, what would it look like? What would happen if you were to run a Monte Carlo exercise on the model?

The Ten Temptations to Violate Dignity

These are not all presented as antitheticals of the Ten Elements, rather it exists as its own list of detriments to Dignity.

  1. Taking the Bait: the lesson here being to show restraint, and noting that action must be measured against a consequence of inaction. This quote in particular was striking: “…know that we have the capacity, in the service of self-preservation, to do great harm to one another, we will be stuck in the never-ending cycle of indignity.” (p.101)
  2. Saving Face: “The dread of having our inadequacy, incompetence, or lack of moral integrity made known is enough to turn us into liars…” (p.103) reminded me of this recent unattributed comment about a political figure: “When he says he knows nothing he knows everything. When he says he knows everything he knows nothing.
  3. Shirking Responsibility: (as an antithetical to #10 Accountability) An important lesson from this is that when we care, we learn, and this builds strong relationships.
  4. Seeking False Dignity: a short summary might be to not seek false praise or flattery, or accept that our status as a human is tied to an external measure of success. A concern I have for this is that Hicks’ references the individual perspective and not society generally, or where we find ourselves historically within it.
  5. Seeking False Security: be willing to address the risk of the unknown. “Any relationship in which your dignity is being routinely violated is not a safe relationship, no matter how much you deceive yourself into thinking it is.” (p.124) needs to be applied at a larger level. It pertains not just to relationships, but representation, and employment, and society at large.
  6. Avoiding Conflict: a key reason I brought up Lencioni’s Five Dysfunctions is because it specifically calls out healthy conflict as a necessary step for teams to go through. Conflict should not only include standing up for yourself, as Hicks states, but should also include allyship. There is a risk in conflict. Understand the fight before you step into it. There is a great comment about ‘optimal conflict’ by Kegan on p.154 to challenge how we make meaning.
  7. Being the Victim: possibly versus playing the victim? Know the difference. Our self-awareness and objectivity are key to understanding. Our willingness to hear others feedback and process it comes next.
  8. Resisting Feedback: continue to be curious. Continue to receive, accept and process change.
  9. Blaming and Shaming Others as Deflection: “Safeguarding our dignity when faced with a threatening situation requires us to develop both self-restraint and self-assertion.” (p.168)
  10. Engaging in False Intimacy and Gossip: “There is nothing like good dirt to liven up a discussion.” (p.171) Speak truth about yourself; invite others to do the same.

For the topic of False Intimacy and Gossip, I want to juxtapose that with commiserating and discussing rumors generally. A trusted circle is often used to share information, or needs to be used as a sounding board, or where to go for advice. It’s “spill the tea” but also “let’s clean that up”. Very often, the person discussed wields a power imbalance, or shows unreliable behavior.

Tiering the Elements of Dignity

I wanted to relate the elements to some order of tiered dependence, and I also wanted to see if there was an association between the elements and the temptations. This is what I came up with.

My intent here is to think about how some things (like safety) are essential in order to do anything meaningful. Then there are elements we are directly responsible and solely accountable for, and there are elements that we extend to ourselves and to others.

On Reverence and Awe

Starting on p.67-69, I especially like what was said in this section on Recognition. The capacity to be in awe and in reverence of a force or forces greater than ourselves is a reminder of the incredible power of humility. (I made a silly note that this was the time to watch more Kaiju films.) These quotes in particular captured me:

The something greater could be God for those who are religious, or ideals like truth and justice, which captivated the Enlightenment philosophers, or the magnificence of the universe, which is enough to bring Richard Dawkins, an atheist, to his knees.

“One of the hallmarks of good leadership, then, is the capacity to feel awe and wonder at something greater than oneself, and this feeling acts as a check on arrogance.”

Humility, then, is essential for our ability to see ourselves and the role we play in a grander picture of the world and universe that we are a part of. Humility is “necessary to avoid the temptation to abuse one’s power by harming, exploiting, and disempowering others.” (p.69)

On Social Values of Shame, Ridicule and Satire

There is social value to shame, ridicule, satire and for comedy; but what part does dignity play here? Hicks states on p.22-23 “Our interpretation of what happens in the world is dependent on our experience of it [shame]”. Yet we find disciples of hubris among us.

  • There is a notable fear of humiliation, except when there isn’t. Senator Ted Cruz, Senator Mike Lee, and Vice President JD Vance in their about-face relationships with President Donald Trump are prime examples of this.
  • Lying, deception and cover-up are not only employed in self-defense. Senator George Santos literally made a career and was elected to the Senate amidst his willful lies, fraud and corruption.

On Reconciliation

One of the observations I want to make is that reconciliation is not always possible. It may never occur. It would be better to add one more chapter on unreconciled indignities, or “living with indignity”, because that is the circumstance for many.

Because Mandela’s sense of his own value and worth was so deeply ingrained, he never lost sight of the inherent value and worth of others, no matter how badly he was treated. His sense of dignity is the source of his humility. It is humanity itself that he respects – not just his own but that of every human being. Keeping that truth to the fore is an astonishing human achievement.” (p.76)

“The responsibility is ours to stay anchored in the truth that, as human beings, we are the embodiment of dignity.” (p.139)

What answer is there for unresolved conflict? What of justice not found? What of our own perceptions of safety when the violator just “gets away” or isn’t part of the recognition, or healing? The violation remains. It is inevitable, but the weight of things, whether one or many, has a tendency to shape us.

I am troubled about finding resolution when offending parties do not have integrity. They willfully disregard, lie and are in contempt of words. There is no honor in their actions; they admire ruthlessness; they seek power without humility. The response to this cannot be to simply persevere through it all.

Much of the book describes suffering. Dignity does not take away suffering, and it does not make it tolerable. Dignity can be a lifeline though; in that it cannot be taken away unless you choose to let it go.

It’s not necessarily about meeting in the middle; but is there a third space?

Evan Fowler, DEI Facilitator, Project Common Bond

Dignity and a Dialog to Avoid Conflict

Although the topic of the book is on using Dignity to resolve conflict, it’s worthwhile to point out that Dignity can and should be used to avoid or dissolve conflict. Dignity is, after all, a tool of diplomacy.

So the other part of the story should be of preventing conflict. How do we use dignity to restore dialog? How do we ensure that dignity is more present in the words and actions of ourselves, our politicians, business leaders, in community, in our news and in our places of gathering?

Suggested Next Read

I already started this, but want to review and comment next on “Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man“, by Mary L. Trump, PhD. This will likely be a very significant contrast to “Dignity”. Much of my reading on Dignity has led to thoughts on how DJT acts in opposition to dignity but is still projected and supported by an inner circle, and by his followers, who are devout to his political figure.

About the Reviewer

You can learn a bit more about me here.

People Here are Nice, and It’s a Problem

I was getting my hair cut today and listening to some conversation in the salon. A young man was talking to his barber and mentioned he was from Texas. “So are you a Texan?” she asked. He answered with a short story – he was born in California, was raised in Mexico, and later moved to Texas. The culture was a shock, and it took him a while to adjust living there. But was he a Texan? His answer was yes.

I reflected on this exchange because I have lived in Utah for 25 years, longer than anywhere else that I have lived previously. My family hopped around when I was younger, but my formative years were all in Alaska, and it was only after I became an adult that I moved to California, and eventually made my way to Utah. I met my wife when we worked together at Costco, were married in Alaska and have three kids who were all born out of state but grew up and consider Utah their home. Our oldest was only turning four when we moved, and our youngest was barely 3 months old. For them, this is really all they have known.

So am I Utahn? ” That was the question in my head. What the young man next to me said next was important. “People here are nice.”

That’s true. There is a civility here, generally speaking, that takes precedent over most everything else. It’s an ingrained cultural phenom that people in Utah are typically pleasant when you talk to them. We smile, ask how you’re doing before catching up on pleasantries and nodding good day as we leave. And that’s a problem.

Because we don’t air disagreements or talk about conflict. Everything is swept under the rug of polite exchange, and that’s the norm here. Utahns avoid conflict because we #disagreebetter, and as a result when we’re told what to think, and what to do… we invariably end up putting on our brave face and just bearing it.

But that’s not who I am, and it’s not what I strive to be. If eggs are problems, I’m more about cracking the eggs than collecting them, and blunt honesty has a certain allure that I can respect and enjoy. It’s dirty, it can be uncomfortable, but cracking those eggs sure makes the omelet faster.

I have always considered that I’m a liberal person living in conservative communities. This is what it was like growing up in Alaska, and it’s what it has been like living in Utah. It was familiar to me, and I’ll even mention that the Salt Lake valley has some Matanuska valley vibes that make me feel comfortable here. Both places are predominantly Republican. There is a strong outdoors culture here, and I was raised in a hunting/trapping family. In Wasilla the church was the Assembly of God, which I fell out of when I realized that religion didn’t answer the questions or address the pains I experienced growing up. In Utah the church is the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, which is different but the same. I’m an outsider to the church, but I understand and respect the community and the culture around. I also respect the ex-Mormons who make the consequential decision to leave their church because, like them, I have lived through the loss of faith, community and friendships.

What’s not here, and what I have found lacking is conflict. I miss raucous behavior, and some occasional incivility. Utahns seem drained of their willingness to passionately endorse, or oppose, or ridicule something. We avoid uncouth words and replace controversy with euphemisms. We tolerate so much that we let the intolerant find a home here.


When HB267 ran, the committee rooms were packed with people opposed to the bill. There were overflow rooms and hallways filled with people who came specifically to show opposition to the bill. When speakers were allowed to present, opposition was overwhelmingly present but the committee chair wanted to “both sides” the testimony to give more opportunity to a very small group of supporters to speak, and the opposition let them. When people clapped for an opposition speaker, the chairperson reprimanded the room for its “impolite” behavior. No-one shouted. No-one raised there voices. It was all so unsettling to see that many people watch a few who would strip their rights away in front of them, because it is in our culture to be polite.

After it passed in the legislature, Governor Cox let the bill sit on his desk for seven days, before eventually signing the bill into law. It was clear that if he vetoed the bill it would have had difficulty gaining a 2/3 majority vote in both the house and senate to override. There was even an alternative, less egregious bill that was planned to be introduced if he refused to let the bill move forward. It was a viable option for a Governor to consider vetoing the bill, especially after a contentious election that he would have lost if he had primaried, especially after he declared shortly into his term that he would not seek re-election. Governor Cox was not beholden to the legislature or to the Republican political machine. But he signed the bill.

What happened is that the people of Utah failed to raise a voice. We failed to be vocal about the disagreement right in front of us, even when the impact of the legislation made Utah one of the strongest anti-union states in America. We allowed our Utah public employees to be sacrificed with nothing to gain. We didn’t put up a fight because we’re nice people, after all.

My concern should be the same concern you have. Shameless people take advantage of civility. Pundits will lie and no-one will speak up to call them out for lying. Politicians push copy/paste bills that attack personal rights or dismantle worker rights or take away voter rights. Special interests move forward because feckless profiteers see the opportunity. They build a prison in front of you and tell you to go in, and we go in. We are victims of our own good manners.

There are people out there, right now, who are emboldened to do some really terrible stuff. There are right-wing militias, hate groups, ultra-right-wing legislators and their creepy lobbyists, christian nationalists, transphobes… a whole bunch of bad people with their bad ideas. But they are civil. Their lies are polite. They say and do horrible things without raising their voices. We should be raising our voices. We should be fighting back.

When I ran for office in 2024, I was told that I “obviously have nothing in common with the people you are running to represent” because I used protest, and because I advocated not just to elect me, but to vote out and unseat my opponent. There were several instances talking on social media that I used language that had some heat, and I was called a potty-mouth (seriously, I have to laugh at that moniker when it’s another adult male calling me that). I am a 25 year resident of South Jordan, and this is where I raised my family. This is my home.

So am I Utahn? ” That’s still the question in my head.

What’s my answer?

“Fuck yeah, it’s my home. And I’ll defend it.”

Reddit: Who profits from Teuscher’s HB 267?

Disclaimer: I’m the person who ran against Teuscher in last year’s election. A question was posted in the r/Utah sub Reddit: Who profits from Teuscher’s HB267? that I’d like to respond to. This post was too long to submit so I’m publishing it here and providing the link in the thread.


Jordan is an idealist, and his beliefs are his virtue.

Jordan is bent on weakening organized labor, breaking the public school system, and taking voter rights away from Utah voters. He is an acolyte of the conservative right ALEC (American Legislative Exchange Council) and under the wing of Utah Senate President Stuart Adams, who is a past National Chairman of ALEC.

Teuscher is the primary officer of the Conservative Millennials PAC, whose members include Rep. Candice Pierucci (sponsor of voucher programs to de-fund public schools); Kera Birkeland (sponsor of anti-trans legislation); and Anthony Loubet (relatively quiet on bills but votes in favor of legislation from the group). This group is responsible for some serious shit legislation in Utah.

Teuscher is doubling down in a multi-year effort to purge unions for public employees, with the intent of weakening labor overall in Utah. He wants to see public education de-funded. He is the sponsor of copy/paste legislation that was introduced in other conservative states to move on a national agenda. He is supported by his PAC, by Schultz (House Speaker), by Adams (Senate President), and the Utah GOP.

It’s worth mentioning Teuscher’s pettiness. The UEA advocated strongly against constitutional amendments that were on the ballot last year, and particularly for an amendment that would have discarded protections for public school funding, which would force education spending to compete in the general fund. HB267 is Teuscher’s retribution.

Incoming Funds

Aside from contributions, Teuscher’s campaign funding was coming from in-kind services provided by (primarily) the Utah Republican Party (disclosures here), and the conservative Utah Taxpayers Association (disclosures here), which covered multiple thousands of spend on signs and mailers. All of Teuscher’s reported campaign finances are on the disclosure site here, and for the Conservative Millennials PAC here.

I would also raise a concern that Jordan is a strong proponent of blockchain and crypto, and would like more transparency on his investments and funds received using cryptocurrency or collected transaction fees.

Read more (links to articles in this blog)

Vote “No” on HB267 Public Sector Labor Union Amendments
https://utah44.com/vote-no-hb267/

Teuscher Would Make Slaves Of Us All
https://utah44.com/teuscher-would-make-slaves-of-us-all/

Teuscher is No Friend to Teachers
https://utah44.com/teuscher-is-no-friend-to-teachers/

It’s Decision Time
https://utah44.com/decision-time/

Celebrating Labor Day in Utah
https://utah44.com/celebrating-labor-day-in-utah/

For Jordan, there is no South Jordan or West Jordan, there is only Jordan Teuscher
https://utah44.com/three-jordans/

Supporting Public Schools
https://utah44.com/supporting-public-schools/

Defending our Public Employees
https://utah44.com/defending-our-public-employees/

How Can We Support Public Education?
https://utah44.com/how-can-we-support-public-education/

Representing Working Families
https://utah44.com/representing-working-families/

A Democrat Running in a Red District
https://utah44.com/a-democrat-running-in-a-red-district/

Jordan Teuscher wants SpEd students out of public schools
https://utah44.com/jordan-teuscher-wants-sped-students-out-of-public-schools/

My Response: 2024 Utah Education Association PAC Survey
https://utah44.com/response-2024-utah-education-association-survey/

My Response: 2024 Utah Parents for Teachers Survey
https://utah44.com/response-2024-utah-parents-for-teachers-endorsement-survey/

My Letter: Vote AGAINST Repeal of Educational Equity Rule (R277-328)
https://utah44.com/letter-vote-against-repeal-of-educational-equity-rule-r277-328/

Vote “No” on HB267 Public Sector Labor Union Amendments

To Sen Daniel McCay and the Senate Revenue and Taxation Committee

I urge you to vote “No” on HB267 Public Sector Labor Union Amendments. In the current version (HB267 Sub 1) the bill seeks to:

  1. End collective bargaining – prohibits a public employer from recognizing a labor organization as a bargaining agent for public employees; and prohibits a public employer from entering into collective bargaining contracts. Because public employees are not covered by the National Labor Relations Act, Teuscher is targeting them.
  2. Prohibit the use of public property – (think schools, parks, libraries, community centers, and the public employee workspace) for groups conducting union organizing or administration. For example, if teachers wanted to meet in the library at the end of the day to discuss topics that might include information about their UEA membership, they would not be allowed to do so.
  3. Mandate reporting to the Labor Commission – The public employer could certainly provide information to the Labor Commission on the number of members with payroll deduction of dues, but members who pay directly and choose to remain anonymous should be allowed to do so without fear of retribution. Similarly, the amounts of spend by a labor organization for representation, lobbying, donations, activities, or giving should not require disclosure to the Labor Commission. The members are the stakeholders of the labor organization, not the Labor Commission.
  4. Kills Retirement for Some Public Employees by forcing former public employees who were previously part of the Utah Retirement System to exit that system if they are later employed by a labor organization
  5. Introduces ambiguous definition of “Political purposes” that can be broadly interpreted as any literally any conversation or action if it results in a decision or action.

Unions are one of the most important tools to address the disparity of wealth distribution, and a legitimate tool to manage the welfare and way of life for Utahns.  HB267 includes provisions that effectively destroy public employee unions in Utah. Key language of the bill takes away collective bargaining rights, which is a fundamental characteristic of a union. This is the third attempt by Jordan Teuscher to push this form of union-busting bill through the legislature.

  • 2025 HB267 Public Sector Labor Union Amendments
  • 2024 HB285 Labor Union Amendments
  • 2023 HB241 Labor Union Amendments

Each year that Teuscher introduced legislation to actively dismantle worker rights for public employees, it was killed due to overwhelming opposition from the public.

A patent lie:

Businesses have to make a profit or they go out of business. Government never goes out of business,” he said. “Because of that inherent obstacle with public sector collective bargaining, it really doesn’t make sense to continue to do it in our state.” – Rep. Jordan Teuscher, Fox 13 interview (Jan 22, 2025)

To suggest that public employees are tapping an unlimited resource of payroll funding simply because they work for a government entity is ridiculous. The ability to negotiate, (including collective bargaining) for a prevailing wage, let alone any wage, is material to any employee regardless of their employer or the industry that they work in.

Gregory Green, Resident
House District 44, Senate District 17
South Jordan, Utah

Teuscher Would Make Slaves Of Us All

Update: Email your Utah House Representative ahead of Monday, January 27 here: https://myuea.org/advocating-for-change/action-center/take-action/email-your-utah-house-representative-now


Jordan Teuscher is back with the introduction of HB267 Public Sector Labor Union Amendments, with added provisions that effectively destroy public employee unions in Utah. Key language of the bill takes away collective bargaining rights, which is a fundamental characteristic of a union. He repeatedly submits bills attempting to dismantle worker rights, and he consistently targets our public employees every time.

Among other things, the 2025 bill language seeks to:

  • End collective bargaining – prohibits a public employer from recognizing a labor organization as a bargaining agent for public employees; and prohibits a public employer from entering into collective bargaining contracts. Because public employees are not covered by the National Labor Relations Act, Teuscher is targeting them.
  • Prohibit the use of public property – (think schools, parks, libraries, community centers, and the public employee workspace) for groups conducting union organizing or administration. For example, if teachers wanted to meet in the library at the end of the day to discuss topics that might include information about their UEA membership, they would not be allowed to do so.
  • Mandate reporting to the Labor Commission – (assumed the Utah Labor Commission although this is not defined in the bill) there is direct concern about why the labor commission would need any financial accounting or member count of a legally separate entity. The public employer could certainly provide information to the Labor Commission on the number of members with payroll deduction of dues, but members who pay directly and choose to remain anonymous should be allowed to do so without fear of retribution. Similarly, the amounts of spend by a labor organization for representation, lobbying, donations, activities, or giving should not require disclosure to the Labor Commission. The members are the stakeholders of the labor organization, not the Labor Commission.
  • Kills Retirement for Some Public Employees by forcing former public employees who were previously part of the Utah Retirement System to exit that system if they are later employed by a labor organization
  • Introduces ambiguous definition of “Political purposes” that can be broadly interpreted as any literally any conversation or action if it results in a decision or action. See lines 124-127 of Chapter 32, Part 1, Section 101(4).
  • Authorize the Utah State Attorney General to pursue compliance through civil actions if they fail to prohibit public employers from collective bargaining (although no mechanism of reporting a dispute is provided.) See lines 274-275 of Chapter 32, Part 3, Section 301(2).

Unions are one of the most important tools to address the disparity of wealth distribution, and a legitimate tool to manage the welfare and way of life for Utahns.  Teuscher has submitted bills in past legislative sessions that work against worker rights. We are facing anti-union actions from a national level to degrade unions in Utah. Groups like ‘Workers for Opportunity’ and ‘Mackinac Center for Public Policy’ are engaging with conservative legislators to introduce legislation veiled as “worker freedom”, but in reality represent a furthering of “right-to-work” policies that weaken labor laws and tear down worker rights. Teuscher is a copy/paste legislator introducing right-wing legislation from ALEC that was also run in Texas and Florida. He’s doing the same thing working with the Foundation for Government Accountability (FGA) whose focus is to push, repackage and franchise conservative agendas. He literally takes his cues from national right-wing think tanks rather than representing the people of Utah.  

This is the third attempt by Jordan Teuscher to push this form of union-busting bill through the legislature.

Each year that Teuscher introduced legislation to actively dismantle worker rights for public employees, it has been killed due to overwhelming opposition from the public.

A patent lie:

“Businesses have to make a profit or they go out of business. Government never goes out of business,” he said. “Because of that inherent obstacle with public sector collective bargaining, it really doesn’t make sense to continue to do it in our state.” – Rep. Jordan Teuscher, Fox 13 interview (Jan 22, 2025)

To suggest that public employees are tapping an unlimited resource of payroll funding simply because they work for a government entity is ridiculous. The ability to negotiate, (including collective bargaining) for a prevailing wage, let alone any wage, is material to any employee regardless of their employer or the industry that they work in.

Teuscher is an acolyte of the legislative supermajority. He is a primary sponsor of copy/paste legislation that works against the freedoms of Utah voters, including attacks on worker rights. We need to unseat people like him and fill those seats with candidates who will defend our rights and keep us free of the kind of government interference that we are seeing.

Reference

Reference Legislation

Updates

Feb 13, 2025 Letter published in the Salt Lake Tribune
https://www.sltrib.com/opinion/letters/2025/02/13/letter-rep-teuscher-is-boot-neck/

Teuscher is No Friend to Teachers

Recently, I was surprised by a tone-deaf endorsement of Teuscher from Jim Moss @epsomjrm, Chair of the Utah Board of Education @utboardofed. Jordan is no friend to teachers or to public schools. Why Jim endorsed a legislator who attacks public employee interests, defunds public schools, and hasn’t bothered to be present at any of the public schools in his district during his entire tenure in the House is the poorest and most partisan thing he could do as a board member of USBE.

Jordan’s dedication to supporting students and teachers, and encouraging parent engagement has made a significant impact.” – Jim Moss, who clearly doesn’t know what he’s talking about

Teuscher is no friend to teachers

Jordan has repeatedly attacked public employee associations, including teachers associations like the Utah Education Association (UEA). During general session this year, Teuscher wrote HB285 to make it more difficult for public employees to organize and collectively bargain for safe working conditions, decent wages and benefits, and legal protections. In 2023, he wrote HB241, an anti-union bill designed to starve public unions of money and kill their ability to operate at all in the organizations they serve. Both bills failed to pass due to overwhelming opposition.

It’s worth noting that I have endorsements from the Utah Education Association (UEA), Jordan Education Association, Utah Parents for Teachers, and the American Federation of Teachers (AFT).

Teuscher wants to defund (not defend) public education

This is what Jordan Teuscher said when talking about the 2023 HB215 Utah Fits All Scholarship voucher program:

“as these students come out of public schools, a lot of time, and I’ve heard this from teachers, a lot of times they’ll have to spend, you know, 80% of their time on 20% of the students because it’s just not the right fit. You know, maybe they have a disability or, you know, a learning challenge or something, they don’t learn the same way. And so if we can get those students into schools that focus on that need, and then the teachers can spend all their time dealing with the other 80% of the teachers [sic] it’s a total win-win for everyone. And that’s what I intend, that’s what I hope to see as it moves forward.“ – Jordan Teuscher

Teuscher writes poor legislation that gets tied up in courts

  • Teuscher wrote HB464 to allow parents to sue social media companies, and SB194 (i.e. the Utah Minor Protection in Social Media Act) that successfully passed but was immediately challenged in courts and subsequently blocked for violating first amendment rights. In the court’s response they stated “The court recognizes the State’s earnest desire to protect young people from the novel challenges associated with social media use,” … “But owing to the First Amendment’s paramount place in our democratic system, even well-intentioned legislation that regulates speech based on content must satisfy a tremendously high level of constitutional scrutiny.”

Although it’s good to protect our children from online harms, we need competent authors for legislation who aren’t simply showboating for votes, then leaving us with costly court fees.

Teuscher wants guns and religion to replace diversity and free expression in schools

  • Teuscher supports book bans. HB029
  • Teuscher supports muzzling teachers first amendment rights (HB303 and HB477)
  • Teuscher voted against diversity training (HB111) and against DEI initiatives (HB261)
  • Teuscher voted for guns in schools (HB119)
  • Teuscher voted for the anti-trans bathroom bill (HB257)
  • Teuscher voted for indoctrination in public schools (HB269 and HB514)

The bottom line: Teuscher doesn’t care about public employees, including teachers. He doesn’t care about our system of public education and is willing to undermine its funding and supports. How a USBE Board member could endorse him as a candidate is antithetical to the interests of public education, and disrespectful of the community of educators who represent and defend public education in Utah.

Celebrating Labor Day in Utah

The Joe Hill monument in Sugar House Park

Labor Day is a time to honor the American worker and their contributions to society. In Utah, this holiday holds particular significance, as the state has a rich history of union activity that has shaped its workforce and economy. Unions have played a crucial role in Utah’s labor movement, advocating for fair wages, safe working conditions, and workers’ rights. Through collective bargaining, unions have negotiated contracts that have provided workers with better benefits, education and career advancement, job security, and a voice in the workplace. Labor Unions have been primary drivers for workplace safety, standard working hours, ending child labor, and emphasis for improved public education.

  • In 1852, the National Typographical Union was organized in Salt Lake. It became the first permanent national union in our country. Through its evolution, the International Typographical Union (ITU) merged and is now part of Teamsters and CWA unions. 
  • Joe Hill was a famous activist songwriter and member of the Industrial Workers of the World (aka the “Wobblies”). In 1914, Hill was accused of a murder and subsequently sentenced to death at Sugarhouse Prison.  His lawyer stated “The main thing the state had on Hill was that he was a Wobbly and therefore sure to be guilty. Hill tried to keep the IWW out of [the trial] … but the press fastened it upon him.”  Prior to his execution, Hill had written to Bill Haywood, an IWW leader, saying, “Goodbye Bill. I die like a true blue rebel. Don’t waste any time in mourning. Organize …” A monument to Joe Hill was raised in 2023 at Sugarhouse Park, the site of the former Sugarhouse Prison.
  • In 1933, Utah passed its Prevailing Wage Law, which lasted almost a half century before being repealed in 1981, using claims that prevailing wage was in conflict with right-to-work laws passed in 1969
  • In 1955, Utah became the 18th state to adopt Right to Work legislation (Since the 1920’s there was the national, anti-union, open-shop “American Plan”, a predecessor of right-to-work; and followed closely after the 1947 Taft-Hartley act)
  • When Martin Luther King addressed the AFL-CIO’s fourth convention in 1961, he dubbed the AFL-CIO and the civil rights movement “the two most dynamic and cohesive liberal forces in the country” 
  • Under Title 34, Chapter 34 of Utah Code adopted in 1969, the state code maintains a “neutral” stance in that an employer cannot require or abstain employees from belonging to a union, and does not deny employees’ right to collective bargaining. This means that unions can be formed, but individuals are not required to join a union, or pay union dues. 

It’s important to note the difference between Right-to-Work laws and Right-to-Organize laws. Right-to-work typically focuses on the individual employee, and weakens collective bargaining power. Employees not covered by a union can be subject to at-will work agreements where employers can reduce workforce, lay-off and re-organize with no significant repercussions to the business, but devastating impacts to the employee. Additionally, employees often discover that loyalty to a company isn’t rewarded through commensurate advancement, pay or recognition because employees are treated like assets rather than an investment. In contrast, Right-to-organize typically focuses on the fundamental right of workers to form unions and perform collective bargaining, and strengthens collective bargaining power. 

Utah is a right-to-work state, which means that individuals cannot be compelled to join a labor union as a condition of employment. This law has significant implications for unions in the state. While it allows workers to choose whether or not to join a union, it also limits the ability of unions to negotiate exclusive contracts that cover all workers in a particular workplace. As a result, unions in Utah may face challenges in organizing workers and bargaining for collective agreements that benefit all employees. Right-to-work laws can weaken the bargaining power of unions, making it more difficult to negotiate for higher wages, better benefits, and improved working conditions. The loss of a prevailing wage in our state has significance in that there is a constant demand for “cheap” versus “good” that only encourages a slow spiral to the bottom for workers’ wages, their workspaces, product quality, and service availability. 

Unions are one of the most important tools to address the disparity of wealth distribution, and a legitimate tool to manage the welfare and way of life for Utahns.  This is a key issue separating myself from incumbent Jordan Teuscher. The current representative from our district is anti-union and is the sponsor of HB285 Labor Union Amendments which impacts public employees. He has also submitted bills in past legislative sessions (like the 2023 HB241 Labor Union Amendments) that work against worker rights. We are facing anti-union actions from a national level to degrade unions in Utah. Groups like ‘Workers for Opportunity’ and ‘Mackinac Center for Public Policy’ are engaging with conservative legislators to introduce legislation veiled as “worker freedom”, but in reality represent a furthering of “right-to-work” policies that weaken labor laws and tear down worker rights. Teuscher is a copy/paste legislator introducing right-wing legislation from ALEC that was also run in Texas and Florida. He’s doing the same thing working with the Foundation for Government Accountability (FGA) whose focus is to push, repackage and franchise conservative agendas. He literally takes his cues from national right-wing think tanks rather than representing the people in his district.  

This Labor Day, think about workers’ rights and the state of our economy.  We need to build from the middle up, and that means giving workers the ability to negotiate fair compensation, fight for workspace safety and product quality in response to the do-more-with-less mantra of companies that treat employees like assets rather than real people, and seek less regulation, less liability, less community commitment, but constantly report record profits. Take time to celebrate the achievements of Utah’s labor movement and the contributions of the state’s working people. It is a reminder of the importance of unions in protecting workers’ rights and ensuring fair and equitable workplaces. 

REFERENCE ARTICLES 

A Story of Utah Healthcare

On Sunday it will have been nine weeks after my son left home in psychosis, convinced that a casual remark I made about calling Vocational Rehab for help with a job meant I was (in his mind) a sociopathic narcissist who he wasn’t safe to be around. He left a home to live in his car, with no savings or income. It’s not the first time that he has done something like this, but each time I worry that it might be the last time I see him.

In February there was a national shortage of his antipsychotic medication, a long acting injectable that he took every four weeks to relieve symptoms of psychosis.  Although it didn’t “cure” him, he was stable and had been at home since his last big break in 2019. Since then we had negotiated through parole visits and mental health court. He struggled to work steadily but couldn’t keep a job. He has worked at more than 40 places since he was diagnosed, but hasn’t averaged more than 3 weeks in any single job. In almost all of these jobs he has chosen not to reveal that he has a mental illness. He is fired, or quits, or stops showing up.  There are unreported accidents from work. There are timecards left unsigned and unaccounted. There are customer complaints, or employee complaints, or HR reports. Oftentimes he would come home to say that a co-worker was one of the new voices in his head tormenting him, and he didn’t want to work around them any more.  

To make up for the temporary shortage, his prescriber decided that another LAI could be prescribed. I had immediate concerns because we had tried switching over to this other medication before, and the results were that he lost efficacy in his treatment.  The three of us got on a Zoom call to discuss treatment options, and the doctor was steadfast that the treatment would work with a new method of onboarding doses before transitioning to a more standard regimen.  I was skeptical, but my son trusted the doctor and we agreed that this new plan would be followed. Less than a month after beginning the transition I contacted my son’s doctor and counsellor to say that there were some minor but noticeable changes.  It didn’t appear that the new medication had the same therapeutic effect as the one it was replacing.  This was the beginning of me regularly emailing the hospital to describe my concern as his psychosis became apparent. My son was beginning to drift into paranoia, and it was going to get harder to bring him back each day we delayed. The prescriber suggested that my son supplement his shot with an oral-form antipsychotic. This was not suitable at all – the entire reason we were using a long acting injectable was because my son didn’t take oral meds.  They asked him to come in to pick up the oral medication, and he agreed but didn’t show up. He re-scheduled, then called and cancelled the appointment.  He didn’t want to take the oral meds. He didn’t want the injection either.  He just wanted to be safe because he didn’t trust the hospital anymore, and he didn’t trust me.  

In the week before he left he would come upstairs and talk to the pets. “I’m not afraid of you”, he would say. He no longer looked at any of us, instead he would look up, or look past us, or ignore us altogether while drowning us out with the music playing in his ear buds. At night, when we were in bed, he would go to the same computer that I’m typing this on to watch Youtube videos on narcissism, trauma bonding, sociopathy, tarot and astrology.  I was finding drawings and symbols that were his attempt to cast protective spells and use magic. When he found work he would often complain that a co-worker was a narcissist.  Now that he wasn’t able to work and became more isolated, he was beginning to turn this view on me. When he left he broke his bedroom door. He was angry, or afraid, or both. I didn’t stand in his way, and just let him take what he wanted before he left home. 

My son decided in his psychosis that his doctors and counsellor who had been with him for the past 5 years weren’t safe. He decided that his family wasn’t safe. He decided that the course of treatment he had been following wasn’t safe. He left home without money in his account, without a job, with no place to go.  I was keeping tabs through his hospital until he stopped talking to them. I have called the local police department to explain that he’s out there, and if they meet him they should have a note on file that he has paranoid schizophrenia but has typically been cooperative with police. I wait to hear something, but there is nothing.  I lie awake at night wondering if I would hear him come in during the night when he is routinely up and about.  I wonder if he wants to come home but thinks he can’t.  In one of our last exchanges I told him I didn’t feel safe around him because he was using threatening language about me. I didn’t want him to come home, not until he was willing to get help. 

A few weeks ago there was an officer-involved shooting near my home that involved reports of an adult male looking into cars at a nearby park that I knew my son frequented.  When officers responded in early morning hours, the person was aggressive and was shot and killed. The area was shut down while the investigation of the scene followed. When I heard, I panicked.  Could that have been my son?  I got in the car and drove to see, not sure what I would find.  When I arrived on the east side of the park, I could see his car and my heart sank. All I could think was “Please, no“.  I approached the car slowly. The windows were down. As I came past the vehicle I could see him, sitting in the back seat.  He saw me too, and he wasn’t happy to see me. But he was there, he was alive.  

I don’t know when I’m going to see him again.  I don’t know under what circumstances that I hear from him, or from the hospital, or a police officer, or from the metro county jail.  I have lost my son to psychosis, again.  As an adult, only he can consent to receiving treatment. The exceptions being that he is a danger to himself, or to others.  As his father I cannot request help, and I can’t talk to him in a way that would make him want to seek help.  He has been at UNI twice. The first time I implored him to get help because I was losing my son, the second time he was committed because I found him after a period of homelessness, bloodied and seeing “how far he could go” to cut himself. He doesn’t want to go back, and he thinks he knows better.  

It’s hard to say all of this.  I’m truly at a loss, and I don’t know what to do. We don’t have any laws to protect us from ourselves, and we don’t have any laws to step in when someone is experiencing psychosis.  It doesn’t matter if it leads to financial ruin, or destroying your health, or if it takes away the stability that you worked for years to have.  None of this matters.  

How do I get my son back?  How much will he suffer before something can be done? My heart is breaking for him, for my family, but also for every family who shares a similar story of loss. 

Update: Some readers responded and pointed me to Unsheltered Utah, a 501(c)3 nonprofit with outreach in the south valley. I have contacted them and they have engaged my son. Thank you.

Lions and Tigers and Bears, and Book Bans

The summer is heating up, and Utah gets ready to implement a new statewide book-banning system. The Salt Lake Tribune reports that effective July 1 — ironically three days before the nation celebrates its freedom — a new law originally sponsored by Rep. Ken Ivory and Sen. Todd Weiler takes effect where books will begin to be removed based on “objective sensitive material” as defined by Utah code. There were literal discussions by the Utah State Board of Education (USBE) whether to conduct book burnings.

The bill is HB29: Sensitive Material Review Amendments, and it specifically calls out Utah Criminal Code Title 76, Chapter 10 Part 12 to define what objective sensitive material may be. The code uses terms like “contemporary community standards,” “prevailing standards in the adult community,” and “serious value”. The code is hyper-focused on expressions of sexuality and nudity.

It doesn’t mention physical violence, gore, or abuse. It doesn’t mention persecution, genocide, mass murders. It doesn’t mention drug abuse or recreational drug use. Apparently those depictions don’t constitute objective sensitive material according to the prevailing standards in (our) adult community. Here in Utah, sex is bad, bad stuff.

The law does not take into account that sexuality is identity. It doesn’t take into account, or possibly disregards that for minors a book may be the closest experience to reading about and understanding who they are. It does not factor that its “contemporary community standards” upheld are the religious dogmas of a church, and not broadly representative of religious views, culture and identity in our community. It’s unusual that the titles are works by renowned authors like Toni Morrison, Judy Blume and Margaret Atwood. These authors are now mobilizing as Authors against Book Bans – follow them on Instagram.

Article reference: New Coalition Against Book Bans Launches Nationwide With Support From Authors Like Judy Blume and Julia Quinn (People Magazine)

Our public school systems already have a system in place to monitor what’s appropriate to place on a library shelf. We have librarians who are trained, professional staff with degrees, accreditations, professional associations and administrative support to determine what students are reading, and what’s appropriate (or not) to place on a library shelf.

Stay tuned for the Utah State Board of Education to post its list of banned books on their site after the law goes into effect. July 15 Update: Links to each LEA are now published by the USBE.

In the meantime, if you want to do something for your community consider fighting censorship and starting a Little Library of Banned Books. If there is interest, I’d be happy to sponsor a workshop to build little libraries for our House District.

Are you interested? Let me know. I look forward to hearing from you.

A Celebration and Defense of Community

June is Pride Month, and on Saturday, June 1st I will be walking at the SoJo Summerfest Parade in South Jordan. On Sunday, June 2nd I will be walking with the Salt Lake County Democrats at the Utah Pride Parade in Salt Lake City. From a rainbow of colors, I will (quite obviously) be wearing green. On the first day we celebrate the city and our community, and on the second we celebrate and defend the people who are part of our community. There is a subtle and important difference between these two days. On the first day we show pride for our home, and on the second, we show pride for our community.

The Pride March started one year after the 1969 Stonewall Riots, and was created as a remembrance and solemn defense of identity. In the fifty years since then, the march has evolved to advocate for, educate about and celebrate the LGBTQIA+ community. According to the Pew Research Center, some 7% of Americans are lesbian, gay or bisexual, and the number is higher for our youth because culture is changing, and because younger generations are more comfortable talking about sex and gender. Nearly 10% of youth ages 18-24 identified as LGBTQIA+. This is why advocacy is so important – in recent years the US Dept of Justice reports that in Utah the number of hate crimes against people due to sexual orientation has increased six-fold between 2020 and 2022. Recent legislation has unjustly inflamed and polarized gender identity and sexual orientation issues. In Utah our LGBTQIA+ youth face discrimination, health access, mental health issues, homelessness, and suicide as significant risks.

I believe that we build UNITY in COMMUNITY. We do this by being visible, supporting our neighbors, by creating safe spaces, by respecting and celebrating our differences, and by standing together.

Legislatively, I will work to protect our individual rights. You can see my stances on DEI, LGBTQIA+ rights, healthcare, and education at https://utah44.com/issues/.

Resources

You’re invited to come and celebrate on both days. Register at https://utah44.com/get-involved/ if you want to be involved with the campaign.

https://utah44.com/find-unity-in-your-community/

I look forward to hearing from you.