Author: ggreen

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Teuscher, Pierucci and the Conservative Millennial PAC

This is a continuation of my first post at https://utah44.com/slushy-campaign-finances/

Today I received the following:

Thank you for following up on our additional inquiry. Our initial determination stands as you provided no evidence of wrongdoing or specific code violations other than to disagree that using Venmo is mingling personal and campaign funds. That is to say, we do not view the way Representative Tesucher has represented his use of Venmo as a violation of Utah campaign finance law.

The code requires separate bank accounts, which the representative has. We have confirmed this with him on two occasions. Based upon the definition of “transactional intermediary” in 20A-11-101.5, and the representation that campaign funds are being swept into a campaign account where they are used for campaign expenditures. These transactions are being reported properly. Therefore, we find no violation of Utah law and consider this issue resolved.

Office of the Utah Lieutenant Governor

So let’s get into specifics, because I’m not sure that everything I recorded at in my previous post was reviewed or investigated.

There is evidence of an undisclosed transaction involving Jordan Teuscher, Candice Pierucci, and the Conservative Millennial PAC that was found in Teuscher’s Venmo history. Teuscher transferred money to Pierucci on July 7, 2023 with a note “Conservative Millennial PAC Donation” that is not reported.

Here’s the proof:

teuscher-pierucci-pac-transactionDownload
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How Can We Support Public Education?

Public education is one of the most valuable assets of our community, and our teachers deserve recognition and support for their work. Social Emotional Learning (SEL) programs at school are integral to teaching empathy and connection. Curriculums should provide age-appropriate instruction that is not filtered by religion or revisionist thinking. Our children need to develop broader understandings of the world, and develop critical thinking and social skills to be successful.

I stand with teachers for pay raises and for collective bargaining. It’s frustrating to see that passing teacher pay raises is only negotiated in order to pass negative legislation (i.e. school vouchers), or for publicity moves by the super-majority in Utah’s legislature (i.e. the 2024 election year proposal to do away with the income tax that is a primary funding source for education, but “hey, let’s throw a bone and give teachers raises”). We need a priority bill for teacher funding. We need to fight against the initiative to cancel the so-called “CRT praxis” of the conservative right.

I am against private school vouchers that take money from the public school system. Public money should stay in public schools, and vouchers are literally defunding our system of public education.

Regarding children with disabilities in public schools – I have personal connection to this issue. I have a daughter with cerebral palsy and IDD who went through the Jordan District public education system. I was part of the “We All Belong” campaign in 2021 when Jordan School District attempted to consolidate SPED classes and bus students away from their home schools (we won due to public appeal). Removing students with disabilities from our public schools destroys bonds for these students, both abled and disabled. These relationships are critical for students, who form lifelong bonds and shape perspectives on individuality, purpose, and understanding. Representative Teuscher and Representative Pierucci have stated at Town Halls that “difficult students” need to be removed from public schools. This goes directly against federal IDEA and FAPE; it impacts federal funding and the programs that public schools are eligible for. Their opinions are not qualified or supported by the majority of educators and school administrators.

This is what Jordan Teuscher said when talking about the 2023 HB215 Utah Fits All Scholarship voucher program:

“as these students come out of public schools, a lot of time, and I’ve heard this from teachers, a lot of times they’ll have to spend, you know, 80% of their time on 20% of the students because it’s just not the right fit. You know, maybe they have a disability or, you know, a learning challenge or something, they don’t learn the same way. And so if we can get those students into schools that focus on that need, and then the teachers can spend all their time dealing with the other 80% of the teachers [sic] it’s a total win-win for everyone. And that’s what I intend, that’s what I hope to see as it moves forward.“

Jordan Teuscher

I am currently endorsed by Utah Parents for Teachers, and the American Federation of Teachers (AFT). I am seeking critical endorsement from UEA as well. If you are interested in my survey responses from UEA and UPfT see the following links:

I look forward to hearing from you.

Donate Now!
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Slushy Campaign Finances

Reference: https://le.utah.gov/xcode/Title20A/Chapter11/20A-11-S201.html

The Office of the Utah Lieutenant Governor allows a candidate to connect a campaign account to Venmo, a mobile payment service and use that as an intermediary system to send and receive payments. I am asking the Office of the Utah Lieutenant Governor to provide an explicit statement that confirms funds can be co-mingled in mobile payment service accounts that have been set up with access to both personal and campaign accounts, and/or publish this to the disclosures site FAQ at https://disclosures.utah.gov/Help/Faqs.

The Problem

The Venmo app has a feature that allows an account to connect more than one backend bank to a single account. When money is received, it goes into the Venmo balance. When money is sent, you can choose whether to use Venmo balance funds, or money from one of the registered bank accounts. You can also transfer money in your Venmo balance to one of the registered bank accounts. It is for all intents and purposes a financial account that co-mingles funds.

What’s bothering me about this is that it appears the Office of the Utah Lieutenant Governor will allow funds to be co-mingled in a mobile payment service account. The question becomes whether the provider of a mobile payment service account (i.e. Venmo) is considered a “financial institution”.  I would argue that they are. Venmo offers direct deposit, debit and credit cards.   Setting up multiple transfer accounts with Venmo is similar to how a standard bank account works.  A bank allows to receive and make payments, as well as transfer to third parties.  Venmo is for all intents and purposes a financial institution.

Further, what is the audit capacity for forensic research of these types of payments? I’m concerned that this is breaching the “trust but verify” capability of their office. 

Specifically: 

  • How do they identify that the amount received in a Venmo transaction is the same amount that is deposited into a campaign account? 
  • How do they identify that the timeliness of the transaction is reported to avoid disclosure reporting requirements (ex: is the contribution received when the money is transferred in Venmo, or when the balance is transferred to an account? Is the contribution ever reported if it never touches the actual campaign account? )
  • How is money tracked if it is in a Venmo balance, never transferred to the campaign account, then used to pay for something else? 
  • How do they track payments or money transfers between two candidates that both use a mobile payment service like Venmo? 
  • What is an intermediary, if that person is allowed to receive funds and forward them to another party, and that transaction is not reported?
  • Are they able to request account audits from candidates for mobile payment services?  
  • Are there specific mobile payment services that are allowed, or disallowed?  Not all mobile payment services allow for a single account to create backend connections to multiple bank accounts.

My concern is that what’s in place is an honor system that can easily be disregarded, and the lack of public transparency is of significant concern.  I contend that it is also a violation of Utah Code 20A-11-S201.

Spot the Difference

Situation One: A candidate opens a bank account, and begins to conduct transactions through it. The transactions include personal deposits and expenditures, as well as processing of campaign-related donations, expenses and transfers of money to other candidates. The candidate connects a separate personal bank account and a dedicated campaign account to this bank account so that they can transfer funds to and from the general account to the personal and campaign accounts. This is a campaign violation for co-mingled accounts.

Situation Two: A candidate opens a mobile payment account, and begins to conduct transactions through it. The transactions include personal deposits and expenditures, as well as processing of campaign-related donations, expenses and transfers of money to other candidates. The candidate connects a separate personal bank account and a dedicated campaign account to this mobile payment account so that they can transfer funds to and from the mobile payment account to the personal and campaign accounts. This is (apparently) NOT a campaign violation for co-mingled accounts.

My concern is that what’s in place is lazy. It is dependent on an honor system that can easily be disregarded, and the lack of public transparency is of significant concern.  If a candidate wants to play fast and loose with both campaign contributions and campaign payments, there is no verifiable means of holding that candidate accountable. 

A Gold Standard

  • A campaign account is set up using personal ID, a signed candidacy declaration from the clerk’s office, and a Section 527 – Political organization Federal EIN for the campaign.
  • Cash and checks are deposited and processed through the account.
  • Online payment services have a singular relationship to the campaign account, and can electronically deposit funds to the account (ex: ActBlue online donation form for political candidates)
  • Payments from the account should be in the form of debit card, online debit using the bank routing and account number, check or certified check drawn from the account.
  • A cash withdrawal from a campaign account is typically discouraged, but can be done with a receipt to verify the expense.

The Case Applied

From disclosure@utah.gov, sent May 9, 2024

“Potential co-mingling of funds:
A Venmo account has the capacity to house multiple bank accounts. With this knowledge, and information provided by Rep. Teuscher regarding his specific Venmo account, we find that funds have not been co-mingled. As Rep. Teuscher has separate bank accounts within his one Venmo account, there has been no violation of 20A-11-201.“

Jordan Teuscher (Utah Representative for House District 44) uses a personal Venmo account to receive campaign contributions, and to make campaign expenditures.  The Venmo account activity is not limited to campaign related activity.  The majority of transactions on his Venmo account @jordanteuscher are clearly personal in nature, which indicates this account is not (or should not be) tied to his separate campaign bank account. Teuscher appears to be co-mingling funds through his Venmo account in violation of Utah law. 

Teuscher either knew or should have known that it is impermissible for a statewide candidate to co-mingle funds. Teuscher – who serves as the chairman of the House Committee on Ethics – should be versed in these regulations. It is troubling that Teuscher is looking to further weaken Utah campaign finance reporting laws with the introduction of HB160 in 2024.

Multiple campaign violations appear to occur in 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023.

Here is the proof:

teuscher-venmo-transactionsDownload
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Why Disability Legislation Matters

I am the parent of two adult children with disabilities who I am a caregiver for. I have a son diagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia, and a daughter who was born with cerebral palsy, IDD, a left hemiparesis and vision field cut. I have a disability (T2D, and nocturnal hypoxemia following COVID). When I was 12 my mother was diagnosed with an aggressive form of Multiple Sclerosis, and my older sister had schizophrenia. My entire life has been a lesson in caring for, or managing my own, disabilities.

I am a member of the Legislative Coalition for People with Disabilities, participate in the Utah Developmental Disabilities Council ALPS program, and have applied to be a council member of UDDC. My daughter is a Special Olympics US Youth Ambassador and athlete. She and I host a Podcast on disability and inclusion topics. See https://katnnat.com/wp/category/podcasts/.

Adapted from the Disability Victory Fund, when I say all legislation is disability legislation, this is what that means:

  • HOUSING: we need affordable homes. We need safe and efficient homes. We need accessible homes.
  • INFRASTRUCTURE: walk and roll cities: accessible public transit, accessible streets and sidewalks, accessible public buildings, accessible bathrooms. I want to address transportation and accessibility issues by supporting walk & roll cities.
  • ENVIRONMENT: clean air, clean water, and a clean environment
  • JOBS: improved job access, and a true minimum wage – we need better customized and competitive employment options for people with disabilities. We need to address pay inequities that exist not only for people with disabilities; you’ve heard this before but the same job should equal the same pay.
  • MEDICINE: fulfill state Medicaid expand for medical and mental health supports, and caregiver supports. If elected, I will work to fully fund Medicaid expansion in the state. I want to fund Services for People with Disabilities (DSPD) to resolve the multi-year backlog.
  • POLICE: we need continued, improved training on crisis intervention, and standard de-escalation procedures when responding to altercations. Use of community services as first responders, and citizen review boards are sensible considerations to ensure community support and safety.

We have the unfortunate circumstance that our Utah State Legislature has pushed back on Medicaid expansion in our state, which means that Federal funds we have already paid taxes toward are left unused. Claims of fiscal responsibility in choosing not to expand the program in Utah are absurd. You can see my proposed 2025 legislation at https://utah44.com/proposed-2025-legislation/ that includes specific topics on disability.

You can see my stance on issues at https://utah44.com/issues-healthcare/ and https://utah44.com/issues-environment/ and https://utah44.com/issues-police/ (notice the separate links, because this is where “all legislation is disability legislation” comes from).

I look forward to hearing from you.

Donate!
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Representing Working Families

During the 2024 General Session we saw a major anti-union bill introduced in HB285 by Jordan Teuscher. The bill failed primarily due to strong and vocal opposition by public and private employees, including emergency services workers, school teachers, public employees, and union members from across the state. This wasn’t the first anti-union bill from Jordan, and it won’t be the last. Since elected he has introduced nationally-sponsored bills designed to degrade unions in Utah. Groups like Workers for Opportunity and the Mackinac Center for Public Policy are engaging with conservative legislators to introduce legislation veiled as “worker freedom”, but in reality represent a furthering of “right-to-work” policies that weaken labor laws and tear down worker rights. The Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that the highest unionization rates were among workers in education, training, and libraries (32.7%) and law enforcement (31.9%) — all public sector occupations; and that is what Jordan has been targeting. Our public workers, and our working families deserve to be represented. Jordan does NOT represent our community. I’m working to unseat Jordan so that I can become the representative for House District 44. I pledge to protect and advocate for workers’ rights if elected. You can see more of my stance on workers’ rights at https://utah44.com/issues-workers-rights/.

At the national level, watch closely for progress on the Protecting the Rights to Organize (PRO) Act which will expand labor protections for employees’ rights to organize and for collective bargaining in the workplace.

Don’t cross the line. Vote with working families who choose a representative that will fight for your rights and defend your freedom, your job, and you.

You Can Get Involved

An important part of elections is b.

Being informed and voting is the start of engagement in political processes, but if you truly want to have your voice heard, you need to engage in the forums that help build platforms and grow legislation.

Become active in the campaigns that are important to you. Support a candidate, volunteer to work the polls or knock on doors. You can become a precinct chair, or consider taking on a House District role. You can join a legislative committee. By engaging you use your actions and your voice to help grow the conversations that you care about. Help shape legislation, and support or defend the issues you care about.

Who knows? You can even run for office.

I look forward to hearing from you.

Donate!
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Response: Asian/Pacific Islander Caucus Survey

March 29 Update: I did not receive an endorsement from the AAPI Caucus.

For transparency, I am providing my answers from my application to Asian/Pacific Islander Caucus 2024 Candidate Endorsement survey so that my positions on these questions can be shared with constituents.

Q1: What office are you running for?
State Representative, House District 44

Q2: Have you held an elected position previously?
No

Please answer each question so that our caucus best understands your work in the Asian Pacific Islander Communities. As you answer each question, please be sure to specify the difference in your work with Asian communities & Native Hawaiian & Pacific Islander communities- as AANHPI is a massive umbrella that includes hundreds of cultures, languages and experience different needs. It is crucial that as the AAPI Caucus that you display a proven track record of working with all communities in this umbrella and not just one. All question responses are private and will only be shared with members of the AAPI Caucus to help us best decide who will receive an endorsement.

Q3: Do you have AANHPI staffers on your campaign? (Yes/No)
No

Q4: If no, why?
It’s currently just me running for office. I have a couple of people who I look for advice from, but no staffers. I expect that endorsements and donations will start after convention when groups are more familiar with candidates in the field and can prioritize their support. I am reliant on garnering support to advance my campaign.

Q5: What is your understanding and knowledge of AANHPI communities in Salt Lake County?
The AANHPI community represents a large and diverse number of groups. Utah has a large Pacific Islander population that is growing, particularly for Tongan and Samoan communities. Utah also has a diverse Indian community.

Q6: What is your understanding of current needs of AANHPI voters in Utah?
I would ask for a conversation on this. If I am successful in my campaign one of my commitments is to listen and engage. Right now my focus includes defending diversity and inclusion in public and private spaces, protecting voting rights and restoring representation, supporting workers’ rights to organize, expanding public transit options, prioritizing clean air and water, and addressing homelessness through housing, drug programs, and mental health.

Q7: Understanding the current needs of AANHPI communities, what policies are you passionate about that will directly impact our communities? What policies and initiatives do you intend to implement in order to address the socio-economic disparities in Utah or Salt Lake County?
It may be best to see my stance on issues at https://utah44.com/issues/. I have also published key legislation that I would like to see worked on at https://utah44.com/proposed-2025-legislation/. I want to be as open as possible on what I call priorities, which I publish on my site.

Q8: Often times candidates seek the endorsement of minority caucuses without any true contribution to AANHPI communities, to help us better understand the impact & work you have done for these communities please answer the following: Please list AANHPI Led Community Based Organizations, Collectives & Service Providers that you have collaborated with to better understand issues being faced by our community. Please include outcomes & specific projects you have worked on with AANHPI Led Community Based Organizations, Collectives & Service Providers.

I work at an enterprise software company, and am a Project Lead for the Volunteer program, and a Pride Employee Network (OPEN) Employee Resource Group (ERG) representative. In that capacity I work with other ERG leads, specifically with the Professional Asian Leadership (OPAL), Women’s Leadership (OWL), and Generations of Leaders (GLO). We emphasize “unity in community”. Together with the other ERG leads we have hosted annual PIK2AR school supply drives, and internally host events like the OPAL Leadership Symposium, celebrating Asian Pacific Heritage Month, Mid-Autumn Festivals, Diwali celebrations, Lunar New Year, and Women in Tech. We also host trainings in unconscious bias, career development, mentoring programs, and confronting anti-asian racism. This is all not done by me, but the efforts are planned and hosted jointly.

Q9: What is your stance on Land Back & Indigenous Sovereignty?
I support Indigenous Sovereignty in respect to land, water, medical practices, childcare and religous observances. I think we need better support for infrastructure (energy, roads), physical addressing, voting, and representation. In regards to land back, I believe that California’s Reparations Task Force support specific state bills based on their findings (formal apologies, addressing health and wealth gaps, returning land). This may serve as a model at the federal level. Currently, a meaningful cash reparation at the federal level is challenging and not likely – political support, details of eligibility, meaningful payments, a system to identify recipients and manage distributed payments are lacking.

Q10: What policy issue is most important to you, and why?
I am first and foremost a disability advocate. I have two adult children with disabilities who I take care of. I’m a member of the Legislative Coalition for People with Disabilities (LCPD), and participate in the Utah Developmental Disabilities Council (UDDC) Advocacy and Leadership Program. My family participates in Special Olympics, and we are strong advocates for mental health issues. There are some excellent advocates on both sides of the aisle for disability and mental health legislation, but we have serious work to do for Medicaid expansion, improving availability of services for people with disabilities, expanding mental health care, addressing the homeless issue, and de-escalating engagements by law enforcement.

Q11: Why are you running for office?
My step into politics is based on where we as a community stand today. Divisive legislation and social campaigns are without empathy, that are breaking the networks in place for us to be informed, that are tearing at the fabric of our communities. There is an infiltration of local school boards, and the introduction of legislation in states that comes from national platforms that do not have our common interests in mind. There is disinformation in social media that is meant to be divisive, that tears on the intent and good will of society. I’m stepping into politics because the “our” in our voice needs to be represented. I have enough shared experience and humility to know that I should listen and understand before I speak, and that my actions affect a community that I love and have much respect for.

Q12: Would you like to speak at our AAPI Caucus Meeting on March 28th 7:00-8:00PM? (Y/N)
Yes

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Response: Women’s Democratic Club of Utah 2024 Candidate Endorsement Survey

This is not an endorsement.

For transparency, I am providing my answers from my application to Women’s Democratic Club of Utah 2024 Candidate Endorsement survey so that my positions on these questions can be shared with constituents.

Q1: Are you a member of the Women’s Democratic Club? (Yes/No)

Yes.

Q2: Are you a registered Democrat? (Yes/No)

Yes.

Q3: If you are in a partisan race, are you running as a Democrat? (Yes/No)

Yes. Running in House District 44 against incumbent Jordan Teuscher (R)

Q4: The Equal Rights Amendment is a proposed amendment to the United State Constitution designed to guarantee equal legal rights for all American citizens regardless of sex. It seeks to end the legal distinctions between men and women in terms of divorce, property, employment, and other matters. For more information, please see: https://www.equalrightsamendment.org/.

Do you support the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA)? (Yes/No)

Yes.

Q5: What office are you running for?

Utah House, District 44

Q6: Is this your first time running for THIS office? (If no, please explain in the comments.)

Yes.

Q7: Is 2024 a re-election campaign for you? (Relevant if you are a currently elected official.)

No.

Q8: If you have previously run for ANY office, please tell us briefly about your other races.

I have not run for an office previously.

Q9: Please tell the Candidate Support Committee a bit about why you are running for office.

I’m running against Jordan Teuscher to unseat him, and become the Utah State House Representative in District 44. It was a tough year, with moves towards rhetoric. A large number of bills that felt like an onslaught of nationally-promoted bills (many originating from Florida, Texas) that were intended to overwhelm. This was a really rough, exhausting, demoralizing session.

  1. DEI attacks in public education and employee sectors
  2. LGBTQ Rights, trans bills, bathroom bill
  3. Women’s Rights/Reproductive Rights
  4. Civil Rights
  5. Voting Rights
  6. Workers Rights (2 bills against recertification, get rid of career service protections)
  7. 1st Amendment, Pride Flags, “Neutral” classrooms, book bans
  8. Intrusion of Religion on Public Education, school chaplains, 10 commandments in schools
  9. trickle-down economics tax cuts, and attacks on Public Education funding through voucher expansion, tax cuts that fund education
  10. “Lean Budget” non-funding for transportation, public transit, education
  11. Sovereignty Bill (SB57) – essentially pushing the US federal courts to sue Utah

If we are going to make change, we need people in the Legislature who will listen to constituents and work on local issues. My part is standing up and saying that I can do a better job than Jordan Teuscher, who received an “F” in the 2023 Progress Report from Alliance for a Better Utah. My part is actively working to unseat someone who has forgotten how to represent the southwest corner of Salt Lake valley and Utahns generally.

Q10: Please tell the Candidate Support Committee about your political race/campaign.

I’m running in House District 44, which is a primarily residential district that encompasses the north and west of South Jordan city (28 voting districts SJD002-5, 7-11, 15-21, 27-31, 33-37, 45 and 62), and the southwestern edge of West Jordan city (4 voting districts WJD058-61).

HD44 registered voters profile:
49.4% Republican
31.5% Unaffiliated
13.4% Democratic
5.7% Other

In order to win in this election cycle, I need to appeal to enough moderate republicans, and motivate unaffiliated and democratic voters to show up and vote for me. My hope is that the extreme partisanship of the 2024 legislative session and the anticipated divisiveness of the 2024 election cycle will push interest in my campaign. I need to build name recognition and visibility on local issues facing Utahns.

See https://utah44.com/a-democrat-running-in-a-red-district/
See https://utah44.com/hd44-demographics/

Q11: Please provide your campaign website.

https://utah44.com/

Q12: Please tell the Candidate Support Committee about your funding needs.

This is a new campaign, and I’m literally starting from nothing. I will need funding or in-kind services for printing of literature and signage, photography, video, targeted social media campaigns, and access to local media. In addition to static references like the campaign site and social media accounts I need to push information to district voters as well (email, video, debates, radio & television).

I anticipate that groups typically begin to invest in viable candidates around the March 30 caucuses, and am reaching out to organizations who would be interested in supporting my campaign through endorsements, donations, feet on the ground and for door-knocking campaigns.

Q13: The WDC will be endorsing Democratic candidates and this means that we will formally announce that you are an endorsed candidate and provide a graphic that you may use for your campaign. We will promote the endorsement on social media and in our official communications. In the past, some candidates prefer to receive financial support but NOT a formal endorsement. This is often the case if someone is running in a nonpartisan race (like school board or city council). Please note that you may receive financial contributions without seeking the formal endorsement.

Would you like to be endorsed by the WDC? (Yes/No)

Yes.

Q14: All financial contributions must be reported in campaign disclosures with the name of the organization that made the donation.

Would you like to receive financial support (donation) from the WDC? (Yes/No)

Yes.

Q15: All endorsed candidates are asked to submit a short biographic sketch. Please provide in this section. (Limit 500 words).

My step into politics is based on where we as a community stand today. Divisive legislation and social campaigns are without empathy, that are breaking the networks in place for us to be informed, that are tearing at the fabric of our nation. There is an infiltration of local school boards, and the introduction of legislation in states that comes from national platforms that do not have our common interests in mind. There is disinformation in social media that is meant to be divisive, that tears on the intent and good will of society. I’m stepping into politics because the “our” in our voice needs to be represented. I have enough shared experience and humility to know that I should listen and understand before I speak, and that my actions affect a community that I love and have much respect for.

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Response: Freethought Equality Fund PAC Survey

March 12 Update: I am pleased to announce that the Center for Freethought Equality Fund PAC has endorsed my campaign! You can find their endorsement here.

For transparency, I am providing my answers to their survey from Center for Freethought Equality Fund PAC so that my positions on these questions can be shared with constituents.

Q1: Do you acknowledge that we are in a climate crisis, which is primarily influenced by human activities?

Yes. The vast majority of scientists agree that humans are causing global warming and climate change, based on our use of fossil fuels.

Q2: Should concepts such as “intelligent design” and/or creationism be taught in public school science classes alongside evolution?

No. These concepts are anti-science and have no basis to be taught in public schools.

Q3: Do you support a person’s right to obtain a medically safe and legal abortion?

Yes. We need to stop legislating a person’s body. Medical decisions should be made in a safe and private setting between a woman and her doctor.

Q4: Do you support public funding of school voucher programs that may be used at religious schools?

No. Public money should go to public schools. Education funds are for education, not indoctrination.

Q5: Should terminally-ill patients have the right to obtain and self-administer palliative, life-ending medication?

Yes, but guardrails are necessary. We would need to address how mental health is treated, prevent institutions from adopting eugenics as a program of treatment, and ensure that incentives for guardians and caregivers don’t exist to influence end-of-life decisions. If a patient is deemed unresponsive, incompetent or intellectually disabled, who decides? In terms of disability law and disability justice, this issue also raises concerns for disabled individuals about disability rights and personal choice/representation.

Q6: Do you support legislation to provide equal rights for members of the LGBTQ+ community in employment, housing, education, and public services?

Absolutely, yes.

Q7: Do you support efforts to establish a federal Commission that would study the effects of slavery and discrimination on African Americans, and would recommend remedies that could include reparations?

Yes. I believe that California’s Reparations Task Force have findings with support of specific state bills based on those findings (formal apologies, addressing health and wealth gaps, returning land). However, a meaningful cash reparation at the federal level is challenging and not likely – political support, details of eligibility, meaningful payments, a system to identify recipients and manage distributed payments are lacking.

Q8: Do you think that belief in a god is a requirement to live an ethical life?

No. To be more specific, a belief in god is often used to justify hateful acts, or to use a confession or conversion as a shield from past wrong-doing. Humility, grace, morality, accountability and servant-leadership are all accessible ethical values that humans can embrace and ascribe to.

Q9: What is your religious background, and how do you identify when asked to do so?

I am an atheist. As a child, my family was originally Methodist and I was baptized in a Methodist church. We moved frequently as I grew up, and my formative years were set in an Assembly of God (AoG) church. When I was 12 my mother was diagnosed with an aggressive form of Multiple Sclerosis, and we experienced the abandonment and judgement of members (if she only renounced sin and truly accepted Jesus in her heart, she would be healed). I intermittently stopped going to church then, but didn’t completely reject a concept of god until my housemate committed suicide when I was 22. At her grave service the priest disparaged her memory by saying he doubted she was in hell but had to make a journey through purgatory. I have no second thoughts following my decision to leave religion behind me.

Q10: What role does religion play in your personal life, and what influence will your beliefs have on your public policy decisions as an elected official?

As an atheist, I respect other’s religion and welcome conversations to learn what motivates and inspires faith for them. I believe that there is a common desire for community, for acceptance, and for hope in all of us.

My beliefs: Act with empathy. Take time to understand where your point of view comes from, and think about where others are coming from. There isn’t a good excuse for ignorance, prejudice or ambivalence – and it’s not respectful to dismiss any of that. Diversity is accepting that we all come from very different backgrounds and understanding that it’s actually a benefit to work with our collectively diverse perspectives. Inclusion is about engagement – having conversations, contributing ideas and sometimes challenging things. Inclusion is about building respect and trust, and taking away barriers that limit us from fully engaging and seeing others. It is about truly understanding the worth and value we each have, and what we can do if we bring it together.

Q11: Will you speak out and be a leader for the equality of all people, including humanists, atheists, agnostics, and other nonreligious Americans?

Absolutely, yes. I will defend our first amendment freedoms.

Q12: If elected, would you take your oath of office on the Constitution rather than on a religious text?

I would not use any religious text. For reference, there is no reference in our Utah Constitution about taking the oath on a document. See Article IV, Section 10. [Oath of office.] All officers made elective or appointive by this Constitution or by the laws made in pursuance thereof, before entering upon the duties of their respective offices, shall take and subscribe the following oath or affirmation: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support, obey, and defend the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the State of Utah, and that I will discharge the duties of my office with fidelity.”

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The Audacity of His 5,000 Words

In a Substack post on February 16, Governor Spencer Cox presented what he called An accounting of my actions on DEI. It appears to be his first article, and utilizes a “coming-soon” suffix in the URL that suggests it was hastily published.

Not to offend his good readers, he has the audacity to call his critics light readers who communicate with elected officials in 280 characters, stoked by anger, reactionary/don’t read the articles, don’t listen to the interview, the progressive left. Way to #DisagreeBetter, amiright? There is one truth – that there is a “growing and divisive political ideology behind DEI”, but it’s coming from the conservative right.

He quickly calls what is now a cherry-picked conservative trope: “We used to aspire towards the dream of Martin Luther King Jr. of a future where our children “will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.”” Maybe we start by educating Governor Cox on the Martin Luther continued to say in the very next paragraph of his “I Have a Dream” speech.

“I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little Black boys and Black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.”

Martin Luther King – I Have a Dream, 1963

The difference, apparently, is that we are in Utah, but our governor still has his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification.

Utahns live in a heavily gerrymandered state bent on breaking the voices of what he calls the “progressive left”. He disregards our history; that Republican legislators who thwart the will of its people by over-riding voter mandates, then attempt to legislate future opposition from referendums by setting the bar higher. Our governor signs bills that take away freedom of speech, and freedom of expression. He does not veto, he does not comment, he simply signs. His republican counterparts submit bills that dismantle peoples’ right to organize, or to force their religion into schools, or to tell a woman what she can and can’t do with her own body. And in light of DEI, he works with his Republican legislators to weaken citizen review boards after a series of police shootings that killed POC and disabled individuals. And he takes away the offices of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion from our universities and for public places, even after Davis School District is sued successfully not just once, but TWICE for discrimination. Even though we have a problem with Patriot Front placing banners on our overpasses, and passing Nazi literature around on campuses. He says we need a neutral space to let everyone be comfortable thinking and saying whatever they want. And it’s all for a better purpose, right? Nope.

None of this is new. In fact, the playbook for this doesn’t even start in Utah. In 2023 the far right introduced at least 65 bills to limit DEI in higher education in 25 states and the U.S. Congress. This year there are currently more than 30 bills across the U.S. targeting diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives at public colleges. Utah is a cuckold to the ideology of a national far-right agenda. Bills introduced in Utah followed other states actions, and are typically copy/pastes of other state bills.

He says “I had no idea that there were these many programs, these many people working in these offices. And so then the question is, well, what are the outcomes? Are we actually making a difference? And we’re not seeing any evidence that they’re actually working.” The funny thing about providing safe spaces for marginalized groups is that when it’s working, nothing happens. Nothing makes the papers. I’m not sure what Cox was expecting. Ironically, he broke DEI because it was working.

Grievances about the illogic of his article:

  • Cox really doesn’t like equity. He states in the 2nd paragraph of section “The problem with DEI” that “it’s important to note that the E in DEI stands for “equity” – equal outcomes, and not “equality” – equal opportunity).” Inclusion comes with equitable outcomes, not with the presentation of opportunity.
  • It’s clear that Cox doesn’t know what “woke” means. Her prefers to use the conservative slur that the word is evolving to, and fails to recognize the significance of that word’s history. Stay woke, people.
  • He claims that diversity programs are “drawing battle lines” and references Eboo Patel to justify his stance, but fails to recognize that Patel was recognized and celebrated by the University of Utah department of Equity, Diversion & Inclusion mere months ago.
  • His primary evidence is that a DEI statement was included in university application packages. This is literally the only tangible thing that he can point to when claiming that Universities are using identitarianism to force people into boxes, and into victimhood. And this is AFTER he signed legislation last year that prevent teachers from displaying personal items in their rooms. God forbid that anyone actually have an identity. If this is supposed to be Cox’s smoking gun, why all the huffery puffery when it could have been resolved with a simple HR update?
  • In his arguments, he defends white kids, and he defends men. He says “I care deeply about our brown kids and our black kids.” I would ask for the numbers here, because he doesn’t provide any.
  • Cox says “Government can and must be race-blind, but that does not make us racism-blind.” This is not true. Government must respect the rights of its constituents, but nowhere does it say to be “race-blind”. To say this is to ignore history, culture, and identity.
  • Cox mentions a history of segregation, but fails to mention the actions of the legislature (again) using vouchers to segregate kids with disabilities away from public schools, or to consolidate programs away from home schools.
  • Offhand, I’m also concerned that Cox’s chosen platform happens to be Substack, which has recently been described as a newsletter-hosting site with a Nazi problem, and accused of paid advances to several controversial writers, while some writers with long histories of anti-trans work are thriving.

The problem, apparently, is that Cox wants to turn a blind eye to the real problems that DEI offices were addressing by disbanding these offices, creating a “success and support” office with no parameters to build from and with no federal supports. His defense of this horrid legislation will result in the loss of federal dollars for state programs, potentially lose Salt Lake’s bid to host the 2034 Winter Olympics, and will certainly be fought in courts at the expense of Utahns.

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